Captain John Smith Essays - Colonial Virginia, Castaways

Captain John Smith Captain John smith was more important to the success of Virginia by 1630 then John Rolfe.. Like many famous heroes, John Smith was feisty, abrasive, self-promoting, and ambitious. He was an experienced soldier and adventurer, the man who boldly went out and got things done. If not for him, the colony may have failed at the start. John Rolfe is best successful for having introduced tobacco as a commercial crop to Virginia colonists. The production of this valuable commodity shaped the future development of the colony and provided an economic incentive for future expansion and settlement of the New World. Rolfe is best remembered of his marriage to Pocahontas. This marriage brought a much-need period of peace between the Indian and the colonists until Powhatan's death. But John Smith was more successful then John Rolfe because of the myths he himself created. Smith promoted the Virginia company's interests in the New World and he provided the leadership necessary to save the colonists during the early years of the settlement. Although many of his narratives seem boastful and swashbuckling, his accounts were intended to lure adventurous new settlers to Virginia. When the colonist suffered harsh winter, lack of fresh water, and the spread of disease made in Jamestown difficult for the settlers. Attacks by the native Indians, hoping that the settlers would give up and leave, raided their camps, stealing pistols, gunpowder, and other necessary supplies. Captain John Smith stepped forward as the leader of the colony when it became apparent that the council of seven was ineffective. He led expeditions into the interior and traded with the Indians for corn. In 1607, Smith and several other colonists left the fort to explore the local area. Unfortunately they ran into an Indian hunting party and were promptly captured by the Indians. Smith was treated kindly and a great feast was prepared in his honor. When Smith was not well received in Jamestown, Captain Christopher Newport and Gabriel Archer had assumed leadership during Smith's absence and the colonists still suffered from a lack of food and proper shelter. Smith soon escaped from the tension of the fort and proceeded to explore the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers and the Chesapeake Bay during the summer of 1608. His explorations of Virginia were later complied in his Map of Virginia. Due to bed government, Smith was eventually elected president of the local council in September 1608. Because of the strong leadership the settlement survived and grew during the next year. However, Smith prominent role in the colony was short-lived; Captain Newport returned to Jamestown in 1609, brining new settlers and supplies and armed with new charter for the Virginia Company. A power struggles ensued and Smith eventually lost his position as the president of the colony. When Smith was injured from a gunpowder explosion, he went back to England in 1609 and never return to Virginia. Smith did not abandon his commitment to the success of the Virginia settlement. Instead, he continued his efforts to promote Jamestown (or Virginia Company) in England, producing numerous narratives and maps of the new colony. Captain John Smith was indeed more successful then John Rolfe, not because of his leadership but his bravery. Virginia would not go anywhere if Captain John Smith did stood up for himself and others to save the colonist during the years of the settlement. A successful hero to be remember of the finding of Virginia.

Life Must Go On

Life Must Go On Doors slammed. Vases knocked over. Knees collapsed. I looked up from my bowl of fruit with dark, watery eyes‚…‚‘What will happen to Mum, we will always stick together,‚ cried Father.The death of my mother had changed everything.‚‘Promise me we‚ll always be together,‚ Father moaned, ‚‘Also, I have figured out something that would help us get along with our life better.‚‚‘I promise. So what‚s the big surprise?‚ I questioned with a little hope.Suddenly, there was a clatter coming up the stairs. The door slammed open. Standing in the doorway was a woman with luscious lips, soft blonde hair, smooth skin and she had a fresh scent.‚‘Dear, are we ready for lunch?‚ the woman asked.‚‘Um‚…uh‚…sure Monique Lets go,‚ Dad replied and rushed over to join her. As the door shut, I stood up. My legs wobbled, I started to breathe in hard; threw my fist in the air and felt like my eyes were about to p op out.Foto gemaakt door Monique Korthuis

Of Mice And Men by John SteinbeckYou will need to develop an Research Paper

Of Mice And Men by John SteinbeckYou will need to develop an argumentative thesis statement based on the idea of The American - Research Paper Example Crooks, also desiring not to be left alone on the ranch, wants to join their dream of independence. Curly’s wife, before she dies, confesses her dream to be a movie star. In fact, the only characters that do not admit to such a dream are those who stand atop the social and economic hierarchy. Curly, for instance, enjoys his place of power and represents a repressive force in the story insofar as he suppresses and controls the dreams of others. These are dreams of independence that reflect the concept of the American dream generally; however, at least from Of Mice and Men, the reader comes to realize that such dreams are economic, and spiritual, impossibilities. The impossibility of the stereotypical American dream is only strengthened by the overarching economic climate in which the men live. As Crooks tells George, â€Å"Nobody never gets to heaven, and nobody gets no land† (Steinbeck 74). What Crooks says here is particular interesting because it indicates that men ar e both economically and spiritually deprived of what they truly need. While George and Lennie are seeking the seemingly simple goal of acquiring their own land and independence, Crooks’ observation is that such land would provide more than substance and bodily satisfaction.

Qualitative desertion review and analysis about the impact of music Essay

Qualitative desertion review and analysis about the impact of music videos on girls - Essay Example The researcher presents questions based on the literature review. This means that a more inductive approach rather than a deductive approach was taken towards the study. What this means is that in terms of the research questions, the researcher did not create or develop a hypothesis out of which a theory was generated through literature review. Rather, the researcher took a theory through literature review and critically synthesized it to develop a hypothesis based on the research questions (Alvesson, 2002). In effect, the questions were presented in a way that way used provide the researcher the opportunity of modifying existing theory in literature. A major advantage with the methods of the study was that the researcher made use of a snowball sampling method, which generally permitted that a group of available respondents be critically scrutinized for their appropriateness in providing the researcher with the nature of variables that were needed to be tested in the study. This is b ecause the researcher was particularly focusing on at-risk girls and so did not have to use a sampling technique that would bring in respondents who fell outside this domain. What is more, a triangular data collection approach was devised by the researcher in ensuring that data collection was approached from as many preambles as possible so that the testing of results could be internally valid. A research protocol was presented to give the reader an idea of how the researcher’s process was carried out. Through the research protocol, it was established that a triangulation method of data-gathering was devised to make the researcher look into variables such as the cultural... The researcher rightly identified that dealing with at-risk adolescent girls was a difficult situation and thus the need to observe maximum ethical adherence (McIntosh, 2003). This is because the as the researcher notes, â€Å"at-risk population are heavily protected by state and national privacy laws, organizational bylaws, and staff concerns about exposing these children to additional harm† (p. 108). In line with this, all necessary ethical processes were followed such as the use of several months in seeking official permission from the appropriate quarters for the study. In some cases, permission was not granted and in such instance the researcher did not force her way out with collecting data from such organizations. The researcher rightly admitted that collecting qualitative data of this nature could be extremely challenging on the validity of the study because they did not make use of empirical and statistical approaches which are objective and easily interpreted univers ally. To this end, a series of actions were taken to ensure the validity and reliability of the study. For instance a pilot study was conducted to test how best the data collection approach aided in collecting the identified data in the research problem (Dunning, 2004). Again, there was the evaluation of multiple forms of evidence in the data collection approach, making it possible for the efficacy of the various data collection tools to be tested.

Analysis of Private Prisons Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Analysis of Private Prisons - Research Paper Example These and many other factors cause an increase in the number of illegalities, increased crime rates and thereby overcrowding of prisons. With the increase in the number of offenders, there is a need to substitute government (public) prisons, hence, the need for private prisons (Shefer & Liebling, 2008). The second factor that led to the increase in privatization of prisons is capitalism. Previously, prisons were a form of social cleansing as it was a way of getting rid of extreme deviants regarded as a threat to social tranquility. However, capitalism saw the change of this view; people regard prisons as a business entity and, therefore, a means to make a living (Shefer & Liebling, 2008). Evidence shows that the government, through respective states, aggressively bids for the incarceration of offenders in private prisons. The reasons remain similar to the onset of privatization of prisons. The government wants to reduce overcrowding in prisons and cut the costs of running the penal j ustice system. The government also argues that hiring private contractors is cheaper than training state employees so as to make them proficient (Shefer & Liebling, 2008). ...The companies that run private prisons amass wealth and build political ties. With these powers, the companies influence politicians and other political entities to pass policies that support higher rates of incarceration. Secondly, these prisons somewhat handpick their inmates (Shefer & Liebling, 2008). This allows them to engage low-cost offenders while the backlog of high maintenance offenders goes back to the public sector. High maintenance can include patients suffering from costly diseases such as diabetes or those incapable of labor due to a disability (Reisig & Pratt, 2004). The privatization of prisons has a negative effect not only on the inmates but also society. Nurge (2004) reports that at the onset of privatization of prisons, there was a cordial relationship between the prison guards and the pris oners. The management of the prisons was also better or matched the standards of public prisons. However, in recent times, new statistics show that private prisons are facing the same negative issues as public ones. This is in regard to prisoners’ relationship with the guards and the adequacy of prison facilities (Shefer & Liebling, 2008). There are several possible explanations for this situation. Some researchers claim that previously, the prison guards in private prisons were free of the penal system corruption. With time, however, they got assimilated and developed the survival for the fittest technique common in public prisons. The guards now mistreat the inmates and engage in other forms of corruption detrimental to the safety of the inmates.

Fuzzy Boundaries in HIV Stigma

Fuzzy Boundaries in HIV Stigma Fuzzy Boundaries in the Conceptualization of HIV Stigma: Moving Towards a More Unified Construct Currently, there are 36.7 million people living with HIV (PLWH) worldwide (WHO, 2017). HIV-related stigma continues to be a major concern for PLWH in the United States and overseas (Baugher et al., 2017; Bogart et al., 2008; Herek, Capitanio, & Widaman, 2002; X. Li, Wang, Williams, & He, 2009; Odindo & Mwanthi, 2008) with more than 50% of men and women reporting discriminatory attitudes toward PLWH among countries with data available (UNAIDS, 2015). This is particularly disconcerting given that HIV-related stigma has shown to be associated with negative outcomes in the physical and mental health of PLWH, higher levels of HIV stigma being correlated with higher depression symptoms (L. Li, Lee, Thammawijaya, Jiraphongsa, & Rotheram-Borus, 2009; Onyebuchi-Iwudibia & Brown, 2014; Rao et al., 2012), lower adherence to antiretroviral therapy (Katz et al., 2013), and less access and usage of social and healthcare services (Chambers et al., 2015; Rueda et al., 2016). In general, HIV-related stigma has focused on the individual experience of stigma by PLWH and has been conceptualized into three different types (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009; Nyblade, 2006): the fear of negative attitudes, judgment, and discrimination from HIV status and serostatus disclosure (perceived stigma), the acceptance of negative stereotypes associated with HIV as part of the self or identity (internalized stigma), and the actual experience of discrimination by PLWH (enacted stigma). More recently, some conceptualizations have highlighted the importance of considering HIV-related stigma beyond the individual context as stigma is a social process, a pattern of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that influence change and growth in society (Deacon, 2006; Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Parker & Aggleton, 2003). This recent shift has led researchers to propose several revisions to the HIV stigma construct. In particular, they argue that HIV-related stigma should be distinguished from discrimination (Deacon, 2006) and that it should be measured at structural and institutional levels (Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Parker & Aggleton, 2003). Since the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma has practical implications on how it is studied, measured, and treated, the purpose of this paper is to review the validity of the proposed revisions. It will be argued that despite there being a strong theoretical basis for both changes to the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma, psychometric research suggests that enacted stigma should not be removed from the construct, but that HIV-related stigma should be measured across socio-ecological levels. Theoretical Implications of HIV Stigma as a Social Process A majority of the stigma literature derives from the work of sociologist, Erving Goffman. His original theory viewed stigma as a social process (Goffman, 1963), which has important implications on the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma, as research in this area has primarily focused on the construct at an individual level.     Ã‚   Stigma as a Social Process The conceptualization of HIV-related stigma often departs from the definition proposed by Goffman. Goffman defined stigma as â€Å"an attribute that is deeply discrediting† according to society, which diminishes the stigmatized individual from â€Å"a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one† (Goffman, 1963). Although Goffman acknowledged the role of society in stigmatization, researchers limit their definition of HIV stigma and cite sections from Goffman that emphasize stigma as an internal or individual level construct (Link & Phelan, 2001; Parker & Aggleton, 2003). Notably, they highlight how the â€Å"deviant† or â€Å"undesirable difference† of stigma leads to the assumption of a â€Å"spoilt identity† (Goffman, 1963). This operationalization is significant because it implies that the negative value of stigma comes from the individual instead of society. Inherent within Goffman’s definition was the understanding that stigma is a socially constructed concept. He qualified that even though stigma would refer to â€Å"an attribute† it actually was a â€Å"language of relationships† that was required (Goffman, 1963). In other words, Goffman argued that society determines what is â€Å"discrediting† and thereby develops a structure that delineates how the bearers of stigma are devalued across their social relationships. Subsequently, similar to development in Bronfenbrenner’s ecosystem theory (1997), stigma could be seen more as a dynamic social process that is constantly changing over time (Parker & Aggleton, 2003). HIV Stigma and Discrimination When HIV stigma is considered as a social process, the fuzzy boundary between HIV stigma and discrimination becomes clearer. Discrimination highlights the perpetrators of stigmatization, whereas stigma refers to the targets of these negative behaviors (Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Sayce, 1998). This distinction is important as it has broader social implications in determining who is responsible for stigmatization (Sayce, 1998). By differentiating HIV-related stigma from discrimination, it focuses the blame on the social processes involved with stigmatization rather than on the individual. Deacon (2006) also argues how including discrimination within the construct of HIV-related stigma constitutes conceptual inflation. Within the stigma literature, discrimination is operationalized as an end result of stigma (Jacoby, 1994; Nyblade, 2006) such that the term â€Å"stigma† becomes synonymous with â€Å"both the stigmatizing beliefs themselves and the effects of†¦stigmatization processes† (Deacon, 2006). This definition limits the understanding about the unique effects of stigma because it becomes unclear whether discrimination mediates the association between stigma and various health outcomes. In all, there is a practical and theoretical basis for differentiating HIV stigma from discrimination. HIV Stigma at the Structural Level Since Goffman, researchers have expounded upon the sociological aspects of his theory to include the structural conditions that influence stigma. Link and Phelan (2001) describe how stigmatization can only occur when â€Å"labeling, stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination† happens within the context of an imbalance in power. In other words, all individuals, including those that are stigmatized, can engage in processes related to the stigmatization. Link and Phelan (2001) discuss an example where an individual with mental illness could stereotype one of their clinicians as a â€Å"pill-pusher.† While the person might treat the   clinician differently on the basis of this stereotype, without any economic, social, cultural, and political power, the individual cannot enact detrimental consequences against the clinician, and therefore the clinician and his or her identifying group would not be stigmatized (Link & Phelan, 2001). For PLWH, Parker and Aggleton (2003) further specify that stigmatization is not only contingent upon these social inequities, but that stigma also serves to strengthen and perpetuate differences in structural power and control. In particular, they argue that stigma increases existing power differentials through devaluing groups and heightening the feelings of superiority in others. In recognizing that stigma functions at structural and institutional levels, Park and Aggleton (2003) believe that stigma is a central component in   Based on these theories, it has been proposed that HIV stigma be measured at the structural and institutional level (Mahajan et al., 2008). Measurement of HIV Stigma Knowledge and understanding about HIV stigma is predicated on researchers’ ability to reliably and accurately measure the construct. In turn, even though there is theory to support the differentiation of HIV stigma from discrimination and the measurement of HIV stigma at the structural level, a review of relevant psychometric research is necessary to validate these revisions to the HIV-related stigma construct. HIV Stigma Scale The HIV Stigma Scale developed by Berger, Ferrans, and Lashley (2001) is the most commonly used stigma measure for PLWH (Sayles et al., 2008). It has a total of 40 items scored on a Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree) with higher scores indicating higher levels of stigma. The internal consistency of the measure has been reliable with different populations, including African Americans (Rao, Pryor, Gaddist, & Mayer, 2008; Wright, Naar-King, Lam, Templin, & Frey, 2007) and PLWH in rural New England (Bunn, Solomon, Miller, & Forehand, 2007). More recently, the HIV Stigma Scale was adapted for use in South India and demonstrated high reliability and validity (Jeyaseelan et al., 2013).    Psychometric Evidence for Measuring HIV Stigma as a Social Process Construct validity for the HIV Stigma Scale is supported by associations with related measures (Berger, Ferrans, & Lashley, 2001). In terms of measuring HIV stigma as a social process, the total HIV stigma scores and the subscale scores on the HIV Stigma Scale show moderate negative correlations with social support availability, social support validation, and subjective social integrations, as well as moderate positive correlations with social conflict. Similar relationships were found between HIV stigma and social support in a meta-analysis by Rueda et al., (2016), higher HIV stigma being associated with lower social support across studies. Overall, there seems to be preliminary evidence that HIV stigma should be conceptualized as a social process. Psychometric Evidence against Chancing the Current Construct of HIV Stigma Through exploratory factor analysis, Berger et al., (2001) determined that there were four interrelated factors from the HIV Stigma Scale: personalized stigma, disclosure concerns, concern with public attitudes toward people with HIV, and negative self-image. These factors could be recoded using current conceptualization of HIV stigma such that personalized stigma is enacted stigma, disclosure concerns and concerns with public attitudes toward people with HIV is perceived stigma, and negative self-image is internalized stigma (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). Further analysis by Berger et al., (2001) led to the extraction of one higher-order factor. While this provided further evidence of construct validity for the HIV Stigma Scale, if considered within the context of the recoded factors, it would indicate that enacted stigma should not be removed from the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma. Psychometric Measurement of HIV-Related Stigma at Structural Levels Research on the measurement of HIV-related stigma at structural and institutional levels is sparse and limited (Chan & Reidpath, 2005; Mahajan et al., 2008). Of the studies available, only descriptive information is provided on the experience of structural stigma for PLWH (Biradavolu, Blankenship, Jena, & Dhungana, 2012; Yang, Zhang, Chan, & Reidpath, 2005). Within the larger stigma literature itself, very few researchers have considered measuring stigma across different socio-ecological levels (Gee, 2008; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2014). However, there has been growing evidence to suggest that structural levels of stigma are associated with individuals levels of stigma (Evans-Lacko, Brohan, Mojtabai, & Thornicroft, 2012; Pachankis et al., 2015). In their study, Evans-Lacko et al., (2012) attempted to examine the relationships between structural and individual levels of mental illness stigma in 14 European countries. To do so, they combined two international datasets (the Eurobarometer survey and the Global Alliance of Advocacy Networks study) and compared public attitudes related to mental illness with individual measures of internalized stigma, empowerment, and perceived discrimination among individuals diagnosed with a mental disorder. Evans-Lacko and his colleagues (2012) found that people with mental illness in countries with more positive attitudes (lower structural stigma) reported lower rates of internalized stigma and perceived discrimination than in countries with higher levels of structural stigma. Even though both datasets were cross-sectional, limiting casual inferences from the study, the results indicate that there are associations between the measurement of structural and individual levels of stigma (Evans-Lacko et al., 2012; Major, Dovidio, & Link, 2017). In all, there needs to be more research to validate the measurement of HIV-related stigma at structural and institutional levels. Limitations Due to the lack of experimental research on enacted and structural HIV stigma (Mahajan et al., 2008; Nyblade, 2006), relevant studies in this area may suffer from a file drawer problem. In other words, the prevalence of significant results could be inflated given that there are no incentives for publishing non-significant findings. Moreover, a majority of HIV stigma studies utilize a correlational design, and so the directionality of these associations cannot be determined. Thus, even though the understanding of HIV stigma has improved, the effect size and causality of relationships within the construct require further analysis and clarification. Another limitation is that there is heterogeneity in the conceptualization and measurement of HIV-related stigma, which makes it difficult to compare and contrast results (Grossman & Stangl, 2013). Across HIV stigma assessments, researchers measure enacted, perceived, and internalized stigma, suggesting that these are important factors in the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). However, many measures conflate different constructs with HIV-related stigma and include it in a single scale or subscale (Herek et al., 2002; Kalichman et al., 2009; Visser, Kershaw, Makin, & Forsyth, 2008). This indicates that there still might be ambiguity in terms of how HIV-related stigma is operationalized.   One final limitation is that the high internal consistency of the HIV Stigma Scale (Berger et al., 2001) could be reflective of an attenuation paradox (Clark & Watson, 1995). For example, the factors of disclosure concern and concern with public attitudes toward people with HIV might be redundant. Both factors represent and can be recoded as aspects of perceived stigma (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). While the HIV Stigma Scale might be reliable and internally consistent, the high correlations between the items on the scale might compromise construct validity of Implications A common conceptualization of HIV stigma is fundamental for future research, assessment, and treatment (Deacon, 2006; Grossman & Stangl, 2013; Mahajan et al., 2008). Without a unified construct of stigma, progress in the field of HIV-related stigma will continue to be impeded by a lack of standardization and incremental validity. The absence of meta-analyses within the literature provides evidence of the difficulty in parsing through the heterogeneity of the HIV stigma construct (Grossman & Stangl, 2013). Future research, then, should prioritize reaching a working consensus on the conceptualization of HIV stigma and developing an agenda that ensures consistent application of that conceptualization across studies. From this common conceptualization of HIV-related stigma, current measures such as the HIV Stigma Scale should be refined (Berger et al., 2001). While convergent validity has been tested through correlations with related measures and constructs (Berger et al., 2001; Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009), more research should focus on the strengthening the discriminant validity of these measures. Specifically regarding the HIV Stigma Scale, given that several of the items load onto multiple scales of the measure (Berger et al., 2001; Rao et al., 2008), future revisions should work on improving item discrimination (Sayles et al., 2008). By refining the measures of HIV stigma in conjunction with the conceptualization of HIV stigma, the operationalization of the different HIV stigma types can be improved. In addition, it is necessary to develop complementary measures to assess HIV-related stigma at structural and institutional levels (Chan & Reidpath, 2005; Deacon, 2006; Mahajan et al., 2008). Research efforts within the field of mental illness and stigma could be leveraged to formulate these assessments (see structural stigma section). While it is important to understand the impact of HIV stigma across a variety of social contexts, it is impractical to begin efforts into this area simply by conducting a large number of studies in different environments. Initial efforts should focus on targeting a smaller range of institutions that have presented unique challenges towards PLWH in the past such as healthcare and then build additional measurements out from there if necessary (Chan & Reidpath, 2005). From a more practical perspective, interventions for HIV-related stigma need to address the discriminatory behaviors experienced by PLWH. Despite significant heterogeneity in the HIV stigma literature (Grossman & Stangl, 2013), enacted stigma is a factor that is seen across various measurements and operationalizations of the construct (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). In terms of treatment outcomes, reducing discrimination against PLWH could have important implications as enacted stigma is negatively correlated with indicators of physical health, including CD4 count and chronic illness comorbidity (Earnshaw, Smith, Chaudoir, Amico, & Copenhaver, 2013). Thus, future intervention research should work on addressing enacted stigma as a specific domain of HIV stigma, measuring enacted stigma consistently across studies, and testing its predictive validity for treatment, care, and prevention outcomes for PLWH (Grossman & Stangl, 2013).   Conclusion Based on the current nomological net, HIV-related stigma should not be differentiated from discrimination. However, there is a need to measure HIV-related stigma in structural and institutional contexts. HIV stigma is a social process that works at the individual level, but the stigmatized person may not be the most important determinant in the development of stigma. Several researchers have theorized that stigmatization is contingent on structural inequities (Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Parker & Aggleton, 2003) such that interventions that only target stigma and discrimination may ameliorate the negative physical and mental health outcomes associated with stigma, but not address the entire problem and construct (Chan & Reidpath, 2005). Ultimately, more research is required in order to measure HIV-related stigma across socio-ecological levels (Bronfenbrenner, 1977; Grossman & Stangl, 2013). Given the heterogeneity and lack of standardization within the HIV stigma literature, it is imperative that researchers in this field understand that science and test validity holds social power and influence. Measurement and psychometrics can drive change in social policy and ideology within society (Messick, 1995). While it is easy to rely on the eminence and eloquence associated with the label of science (Isaacs & Fitzgerald, 1999), researchers have an ethical commitment to follow rigorous standards of empiricism because their work can impact the lives of people. This commitment should be true for all people, but especially for groups like PLWH that continue to suffer from stigmatization. References Baugher, A. R., Beer, L., Fagan, J. L., Mattson, C. L., Freedman, M., Skarbinski, J., & Shouse, R. L. (2017). Prevalence of Internalized HIV-Related Stigma Among HIV-Infected Adults in Care, United States, 2011–2013. AIDS and behavior, 21(9), 2600-2608. doi:10.1007/s10461-017-1712-y Berger, B. E., Ferrans, C. E., & Lashley, F. R. (2001). Measuring stigma in people with HIV: psychometric assessment of the HIV stigma scale. Res Nurs Health, 24(6), 518-529. Biradavolu, M. R., Blankenship, K. M., Jena, A., & Dhungana, N. (2012). Structural stigma, sex work and HIV: contradictions and lessons learnt from a community-led structural intervention in southern India. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 66(Suppl 2), ii95. Bogart, L. M., Cowgill, B. O., Kennedy, D., Ryan, G., Murphy, D. A., Elijah, J., & Schuster, M. A. (2008). HIV-related stigma among people with HIV and their families: a qualitative analysis. AIDS Behav, 12(2), 244-254. doi:10.1007/s10461-007-9231-x Bronfenbrenner, U. (1977). Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American psychologist, 32(7), 513. Bunn, J. Y., Solomon, S. E., Miller, C., & Forehand, R. (2007). Measurement of Stigma in People with HIV: A Reexamination of the HIV Stigma Scale. AIDS Education and Prevention, 19(3), 198-208. doi:10.1521/aeap.2007.19.3.198 Chambers, L. A., Rueda, S., Baker, D. N., Wilson, M. G., Deutsch, R., Raeifar, E., . . . Team, T. S. R. (2015). Stigma, HIV and health: a qualitative synthesis. BMC Public Health, 15, 848. doi:10.1186/s12889-015-2197-0 Chan, K. Y., & Reidpath, D. D. (2005). Future research on structural and institutional forms of HIV discrimination. AIDS Care, 17(sup2), 215-218. doi:10.1080/09540120500120005 Clark, L. A., & Watson, D. (1995). Constructing validity: Basic issues in objective scale development. Psychological assessment, 7(3), 309. Deacon, H. (2006). Towards a sustainable theory of health-related stigma: lessons from the HIV/AIDS literature. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 16(6), 418-425. doi:10.1002/casp.900 Earnshaw, V. A., & Chaudoir, S. R. (2009). From Conceptualizing to Measuring HIV Stigma: A Review of HIV Stigma Mechanism Measures. AIDS and behavior, 13(6), 1160-1177. doi:10.1007/s10461-009-9593-3 Earnshaw, V. A., Smith, L. R., Chaudoir, S. R., Amico, K. R., & Copenhaver, M. M. (2013). HIV Stigma Mechanisms and Well-Being among PLWH: A Test of the HIV Stigma Framework. AIDS and behavior, 17(5), 1785-1795. doi:10.1007/s10461-013-0437-9 Evans-Lacko, S., Brohan, E., Mojtabai, R., & Thornicroft, G. (2012). Association between public views of mental illness and self-stigma among individuals with mental illness in 14 European countries. Psychol Med, 42(8), 1741-1752. doi:10.1017/s0033291711002558 Gee, G. C. (2008). A multilevel analysis of the relationship between institutional and individual racial discrimination and health status. Am J Public Health, 98(9 Suppl), S48-56. Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma; notes on the management of spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Grossman, C. I., & Stangl, A. L. (2013). Global action to reduce HIV stigma and discrimination. Journal of the International AIDS Society, 16(3Suppl 2), 18881. doi:10.7448/IAS.16.3.18881 Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Bellatorre, A., Lee, Y., Finch, B. K., Muennig, P., & Fiscella, K. (2014). Structural stigma and all-cause mortality in sexual minority populations. Soc Sci Med, 103, 33-41. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2013.06.005 Herek, G. M., Capitanio, J. P., & Widaman, K. F. (2002). HIV-Related Stigma and Knowledge in the United States: Prevalence and Trends, 1991–1999. American Journal of Public Health, 92(3), 371-377. doi:10.2105/ajph.92.3.371 Isaacs, D., & Fitzgerald, D. (1999). Seven alternatives to evidence based medicine. BMJ, 319(7225), 1618. doi:10.1136/bmj.319.7225.1618 Jacoby, A. (1994). Felt versus enacted stigma: a concept revisited. Evidence from a study of people with epilepsy in remission. Soc Sci Med, 38(2), 269-274. Jeyaseelan, L., Kumar, S., Mohanraj, R., Rebekah, G., Rao, D., & Manhart, L. E. (2013). Assessing HIV/AIDS stigma in south India: validation and abridgement of the Berger HIV Stigma scale. AIDS Behav, 17(1), 434-443. doi:10.1007/s10461-011-0128-3 Kalichman, S. C., Simbayi, L. C., Cloete, A., Mthembu, P. P., Mkhonta, R. N., & Ginindza, T. (2009). Measuring AIDS stigmas in people living with HIV/AIDS: the Internalized AIDS-Related Stigma Scale. AIDS Care, 21(1), 87-93. doi:10.1080/09540120802032627 Katz, I. T., Ryu, A. E., Onuegbu, A. G., Psaros, C., Weiser, S. D., Bangsberg, D. R., & Tsai, A. C. (2013). Impact of HIV-related stigma on treatment adherence: systematic review and meta-synthesis. Journal of the International AIDS Society, 16(3Suppl 2), 18640. doi:10.7448/IAS.16.3.18640 Li, L., Lee, S.-J., Thammawijaya, P., Jiraphongsa, C., & Rotheram-Borus, M. J. (2009). Stigma, social support, and depression among people living with HIV in Thailand. AIDS Care, 21(8), 1007-1013. doi:10.1080/09540120802614358 Li, X., Wang, H., Williams, A., & He, G. (2009). Stigma reported by people living with HIV in south central China. J Assoc Nurses AIDS Care, 20(1), 22-30. doi:10.1016/j.jana.2008.09.007 Link, B. G., & Phelan, J. C. (2001). Conceptualizing Stigma. Annual Review of Sociology, 27(1), 363-385. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.27.1.363 Mahajan, A. P., Sayles, J. N., Patel, V. A., Remien, R. H., Ortiz, D., Szekeres, G., & Coates, T. J. (2008). Stigma in the HIV/AIDS epidemic: A review of the literature and recommendations for the way forward. AIDS (London, England), 22(Suppl 2), S67-S79. doi:10.1097/01.aids.0000327438.13291.62 Major, B., Dovidio, J. F., & Link, B. G. (2017). The Oxford Handbook of Stigma, Discrimination, and Health: Oxford University Press. Messick, S. (1995). Validity of psychological assessment: Validation of inferences from persons’ responses and performance as scientific inquiry into score meaning (Vol. 50). Nyblade, L. C. (2006). Measuring HIV stigma: existing knowledge and gaps. Psychology, Health & Medicine, 11(3), 335-345. Odindo, M. A., & Mwanthi, M. A. (2008). Role of governmental and non-governmental organizations in mitigation of stigma and discrimination among HIV/AIDS persons in Kibera, Kenya. East Afr J Public Health, 5(1), 1-5. Onyebuchi-Iwudibia, O., & Brown, A. (2014). HIV and depression in eastern Nigeria: The role of HIV-related stigma. AIDS Care, 26(5), 653-657. doi:10.1080/09540121.2013.844761 Pachankis, J. E., Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Hickson, F., Weatherburn, P., Berg, R. C., Marcus, U., & Schmidt, A. J. (2015). Hidden from health: structural stigma, sexual orientation concealment, and HIV across 38 countries in the European MSM Internet Survey. Aids, 29(10), 1239-1246. doi:10.1097/qad.0000000000000724 Parker, R., & Aggleton, P. (2003). HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination: a conceptual framework and implications for action. Soc Sci Med, 57(1), 13-24. Rao, D., Chen, W. T., Pearson, C. R., Simoni, J. M., Fredriksen-Goldsen, K., & Nelson, K. (2012). Social support mediates the relationship between HIV stigma and depression/quality of life among people living with HIV in Beijing. China. Int J STD AIDS., 23. doi:10.1258/ijsa.2009.009428 Rao, D., Pryor, J. B., Gaddist, B. W., & Mayer, R. (2008). Stigma, secrecy, and discrimination: ethnic/racial differences in the concerns of people living with HIV/AIDS. AIDS Behav, 12(2), 265-271. doi:10.1007/s10461-007-9268-x Rueda, S., Mitra, S., Chen, S., Gogolishvili, D., Globerman, J., Chambers, L., . . . Rourke, S. B. (2016). Examining the associations between HIV-related stigma and health outcomes in people living with HIV/AIDS: a series of meta-analyses. BMJ Open, 6(7), e011453. doi:10.1136/bmjopen-2016-011453 Sayles, J. N., Hays, R. D., Sarkisian, C. A., Mahajan, A. P., Spritzer, K. L., & Cunningham, W. E. (2008). Development and Psychometric Assessment of a Multidimensional Measure of Internalized HIV Stigma in a sample of HIV-positive Adults. AIDS and behavior, 12(5), 748-758. doi:10.1007/s10461-008-9375-3 UNAIDS. (2015). On the Fast-Track to end AIDS by 2030: Focus on location and population. Retrieved from http://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/WAD2015_report_en_part01.pdf Visser, M. J., Kershaw, T., Makin, J. D., & Forsyth, B. W. C. (2008). Development of parallel scales to measure HIV-related stigma. AIDS and behavior, 12(5), 759-771. doi:10.1007/s10461-008-9363-7 WHO. (2017, July ). HIV AIDS: Fact Sheet. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs360/en/ Wright, K., Naar-King, S., Lam, P., Templin, T., & Frey, M. (2007). Stigma Scale Revised: Reliability and Validity of a Brief Measure of Stigma For HIV + Youth. J Adolesc Health, 40(1), 96-98. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2006.08.001 Yang, Y., Zhang, K., Chan, K. Y., & Reidpath, D. D. (2005). Institutional and structural forms of HIV-related discrimination in health care: a study set in Beijing. AIDS Care, 17, S129-140.

Pompey :: essays research papers

Question: Account for Pompey’s rise to political prominence between 78- 62 BC. You are to examine and analyse political machinations of Pompey and attempt to explain how he managed to fulfil his ambition. You must establish a clear understanding of the complexities of the political situation and the effects of the Civil War. Gnaeus Pompeius Crassus, better known as Pompey, or Pompey the Great, was born on September the 20th, 106 BC. Pompey was a Roman general and statesman, the erstwhile ally of Julius Caesar, but later his arch rival for power. Pompey was born in Rome into a senatorial family, and established an impressive military record. He brought an end to the Servile War instigated by the slave Spartacus; cleared the Mediterranean Sea of pirates; conquered the kingdoms of Pontus, Armenia and Syria; and captured Jerusalem in 61 BC. He entered Rome in triumph, but encountered opposition from the Senate. Pompey then formed an alliance, commonly called the First Triumvirate, with Julius Caesar and Marcus Licinius Crassus. The career of Pompeius opened in fraud and violence. It was instigated, in war and peace, through illegality and treachery. Pompey was a great general, but a bad politician. Pompey helped to end the slave revolt of Spartacus in 72 BC. Because of his leadership abilities, Pompey was elected consul in 70 BC. However, he ran into opposition in the senate, especially from Marcus Crassus, and returned to leading the army to more conquests. Pompey was an opportunist, he worked by himself, all the while leading the senate to think that he was working with them. He manipulated the senate to make out that Caesar was dangerous. Pompey became the most powerful man in Rome. During the time of his political prominence, the senate was very weak. Because of Pompeys popularity with the public and his military ability, along with his opportunism, he rose to this political prominence by his political machinations. The Civil War between Gnaeus Marius and Lucius Sulla was a major factor that effected his political situation. Pompey was a young, confident man who had a habit to boast of the magnitude of his clientela, to advertise monarchs and nations bound to his personal allegiance. (Ad fam. 9, 9, 2: ‘regum ac nationum clientelis quas oestentare crebro solebat). Pompey had from Thrance to the Causasus and down to Egypt acknowledging his predominance. The worship of power, paid homage to Pompey as a god, a saviour and a benefactor, devising before long a novel title, ‘the warden of earth and sea’.

Ethical Legacy

In my opinion, one of the activities has a positive impact on the work ethic that is voluntary. Every year, I participate in volunteer activities each summer or in the spare time. My friend and I have organized the charity work; participate in community activities and work actively to protect the environment.We have organized clubs such as teaching charity for poor children who cannot afford to go to school in the neighboring provinces, building compassion for the poor and gatherings were held on special occasions particularly for children(such as mid-autumn festival and international children's day). We build and do many activities such as selling newspapers, books, souvenirs handmade and sale them. All benefits in the activities will be contributed to buying your textbooks for poor students learn.These Jobs helped me more pleasure, relieve the stress of learning hours at school, and bring Joy to your child. In addition, I am also actively involved in environmental protection which is energy saving, waste sorting, k littering in public places. Keeping the environment green and clean more. It's Just little things, but it also contributes to the reduction of illiteracy rate in Vietnam, help for the poor people who are stagnated, they have to earn their living hard to get the food out daily. In volunteering, I remember that activity â€Å"the exam season† and â€Å"Relay to school. It is an organization of volunteer team: consultants, candidates and help the candidates about where to eat, stay, and travel, venues and guide to the exam registration process, keeping participants security and order, traffic safety in college entrance exam scores at the school. And organize activities â€Å"to the 2013 Relay† with the contents: admissions guidelines; selected industries, consulting, search the motel, etc to support the students; first-year students enter the school. I think that volunteer activities are an activity most meaningful to me.Because, volunt eer activities are not only helped me develop professional competence, wisdom and his zeal to contribute to the economic development of culture and society in a number of localities, but also through the activities volunteer promote the collection, solidarity, education and the environment to students, give students the knowledge, practical approach, trained public relations capacity, the main character and bravery treatment to best meet operational needs social needs education of youth and adult students.

7 Points That Will Help You Geography Coursework Stand Out from the Crowd

7 Points That Will Help You Geography Coursework Stand Out from the Crowd 7 Points That Will Help You Geography Coursework Stand Out from the Crowd Taking a class in college involves a lot of hard work in different areas. One of those is to complete a coursework following all the demands. This activity takes considerable time and should not be rushed. Here are some useful tips to write a brilliant geography coursework. 1.   Know the Purpose A coursework is assigned to show what you know. Though, this is an overall purpose of any coursework. But, it is important to know the reasoning behind a specific assignment. What exactly is it asking you to do? What questions do you need to answer in your geography coursework? If you answer these questions you are more likely to compose a piece of writing that involves readers in the problem. 2.   Create a Plan Once you become aware of the purpose, the next step is to figure out how to achieve it. You need to create an outline for your writing assignment. It allows you to think of each separate part of a coursework. Besides, background reading is necessary to gather additional valuable sources for your geography coursework if you tend to create an impressive paper. Such a plan will help you fuel the audience’s interest providing some new information in portions and then, giving the solution. 3.   Don’t Plagiarize Talking about sources, when you use them, you need to make sure that you aren’t copying. A coursework that isn’t copied will help it stand out from the rest. If you do use specific quotes or information, make sure to cite them correctly according to a formatting style. Proper citations will not only help you avoid problems with the law but also will help you make readers interested in the issue you will provide them with the sources they may also go through to learn the problem deeper! Isn’t it a great idea to help your readers get some new knowledge? 4.   Divide and Conquer Even though it’s one assignment, a coursework is recommended to divide into different stages. Breaking an assignment down is really helpful because it will be simpler to pass through each small stage separately than all together. Since all the small steps lead to the big success, in no time, you’ll have your coursework all done! In this case, you keep your audience focused on the issue as they do not lose the interest they get an issue and the solution in advance. If you keep the answer to the question until the very end you risk your audience getting bored and no waiting for the verdict. 5.   Give it Your All To really make your geography coursework stand out, you need to devote 100% of your efforts. Try changing your mindset. Imagine that you are handing in the assignment to the President of the United States. Would it look different? Putting forth your biggest efforts will be highly appreciated. 6.   Go to Class! The very best way to succeed in a coursework is to miss NO classes. Take useful notes while you are present in a class. Being in constant and active exposure to the material on geography will greatly aid you when you have an assignment because you will have a lot of background knowledge. You can impress your teacher with including ideas that could have only been learned from class lectures. 7.   Check Your Work Many students tend to complete an assignment and hand it in. This is actually a wrong way to do. You need to complete a paper, check it and then, hand it in. The extra step of checking the work is very important. It shows that you care about your craft and that you have spent the time to do it the best. Of course, you do NOT want your paper stand out from the crowd for it has a lot of grammar, punctuation, and stylistic mistakes, right? If you want to receive some professional help in correcting mistakes, you can ask a custom coursework writing service for aid. The team of qualified editors will help you make your coursework top-notch and get you the best grades.

The Tempest Essays

The Tempest Essays The Tempest Essay The Tempest Essay Essay Topic: The Tempest Magic was a notion firmly embedded in the Elizabethan culture. It explained many things. Discuss the importance of magic in the play The Tempest. The Isle is full of noises, sounds, and sweet ones, that give delight and hurt not. Sometimes a thousand twangling instruments will hum about mine ears: and sometimes voices states Caliban (Act III, pg 109) Within Shakespeares text, The Tempest, set in Elizabethan times, magic is indeed of great importance. Shakespeare gives Prospero the ability to perform magic which allows him to carry out alterations to the world around him. His magic will eventually lead to the restoration of order following the disruption caused, or symbolized, by the tempest; the most obvious and important magical achievement in the play. From the start of the play, Shakespeare uses magic to captivate his Elizabethan audience and move his characters from one scene to another, for example, we are introduced to our first characters during the tempest itself, and it is through this created event that they are transferred to the safety of the island. Magic is frequently used by the main character Prospero, sometimes for compassionate reasons to prevent the suffering of his daughter, but often to make others remorseful and change their ways. Initially, one must examine the importance of magic, which was firmly embedded in the Elizabethan culture. Written in 1611, magic within The Tempest would have presented itself to the Elizabethan culture as a most controversial topic. It had been the persecutions of those believed to perform black magic, Witches were still persecuted and witch-hunts did not actually stop until the end of the seventeenth century. 1 Therefore, Shakespeares use of magic was controversial, bound by the fact that Prospero was presented in mainly a good light, a move probably made to make a bold statement; that magic can be used for good not just the stereotypical evil. Magic may have influenced King James that good magic was indeed possible. This may have lead to a wider knowledge of magic within the Elizabethan culture and perhaps more widely accepted. Obviously, magic could also grab audiences of Shakespeares time perhaps being used as a controversial marketing tool. Magic still continues to seize audiences even today, who also delve further into the importance of magic within The Tempest, which certainly do es explain many aspects of the play. Magic plays an important part in The Tempest for Prospero to bring back Ariel, whom he releases from the imprisonment of foul witch Sycorax under his control. However, the authority that Prospero possesses over Ariel is liable to abuse as there would be a very human temptation for him to use Ariel as his puppet to take his revenge on the shipwrecked characters that are effectively at his mercy. This is due to a feeling of resentment, anger and revenge due to the injustice towards him of banishing him to the island. This allows the important theme of magic to be portrayed through Prospero as a ruler, displaying the advantages he takes in his treatment of Ariel. Initially, there are characteristics of Prosperos control over his anger when, as Ariel asks for his freedom. Prospero replies with a harsh if thou more murmurst, I will rend an oak, and peg thee in his knotty entrails, till thou has howld away twelve winters. Thus, magic is an important factor in developing the main character Prospero and his individuality, and also used to gain an understanding of the magical scenes of the play. Solemn and strange music mark the significant magical beginning of the banquet scene. Exhaustion has dulled the spirits and they are thirsty, hungry and in need of nourishment after hours of searching for Ferdinand. It is predictable that they cannot believe the feast set before them. Shakespeare conceivably used magic as a tool of importance to develop other characters of the play. The reactions of the various characters to this spectacle reveal their basic nature. For instance, Sebastians response to the food is purely materialistic2. On the other hand, Gonzalo, being the eternal optimist, looks for a rational and reasonable harmony within this spectacle3 these are people of the island their manners are more gentle, kind, than of our human generation you shall find. Moreover, he demonstrates his common sense by arguing against fear and superstition and recognises the necessity of food and drink. Alonso, being a king, also recognises the necessity of the situation. Again, magic wi thin the text is demonstrated as an important tool in the character construction of Alonso, Gonzalo, and Sebastian. The masque is another illusion that Prospero creates with his magic, portraying the vital theme of love and blessings from goddesses. Chastity, which is supported by the masque, is used as a function of control by Prospero. Prospero uses his magic to restrain Ferdinand and Miranda from physical passion, this would imply that one would be preserving the social order, showing devotion to ones spouse and a dedication to the marriage union4. Hence, Prospero warns the couple that if they are unable to control their passions, barren hate, sour-eyd disdain and discord shall bestrew the union of bed with weeds so loathly that shall hate it both and this is emphasized by Juno with, whose vows are, that no bed-right shall be paid till Hymens torch be lighted. Mirandas virginity is further emphasized as being an essential part of the disciplined control over passions, which is indeed necessary for the marriage. Ferdinand lives up to the task required of him, giving a polite reply, making clear that he desires quiet days, fair issue and long life. In return to that, Juno later blesses them saying Honour, riches, marriage-bless ing, long continuance, and increasing hourly joys be still upon you. Without the magical scene of the masque, Goddesses, blessings and the portrayal of Ferdinand and Mirandas union would be quite different. The magic allows one to understand how immense their undeniable love is. Once more, we must not forget that the masque is essentially a celebration of the Ferdinand-Miranda love plot. Prospero is certainly vulnerable at this time, revealing his true character more clearly to the audience, being considerate to Ferdinand and even affectionate to Ariel, calling him my delicate Ariel, my bird and my Ariel. The language used by Goddess Iris, inspires images of youth, vigour, a temperate nature, chastity, all appropriate to celebrate a contract of true love, a union of two noble households5. Through the wonderful workings of Prosperos magic, one can see how important it is to an Elizabethan audience to keep them visually entertained. The colourful costumes, dancing and singing of the Reapers and the Nymphs are traditional elements for the masque spectacle, which is essentially an elaborate form of entertainment, meant to excite the visual, auditory and tactile senses of the Elizabethan audience. The dance that takes place between the Nymphs and Reapers suggests harmony in elemental nature; the dance also serves as an image and symbol of the continuance of society, of marriage and stability.6 One can understand how important magic would have been to excite and entertain the audience, as well as accentuating the significance of the masque of which portrays love and power within the play. Through the important use of illusion elements like the banquet and the masque, the themes of regeneration and reconciliation are successfully portrayed and one can be sure that Ferdinand and Miranda are the hope for the future of the island. However, it must be taken into account that at the end of the play, Prospero gives up his magic and will bury it fathoms deep. His books also provide a chief power and source of his magic. These he buries deeper than did over plummet sound. Magic had set Prospero above the human hierarchy, making him a ruler. Although this power had given Prospero great power to lead the others on the island, it has been in the nature of a god that he has led7. Magic used by Prospero throughout The Tempest, indeed played in important part of explaining many themes such as the setting and context of the play; the atmosphere, the masque and the banquet and of course love and power. Shakespeare may have also used magic to make the play visually interesting and even controversial to an Elizabethan audience. Thus, without a doubt magic plays a vast role in The Tempest of explaining many ideas and issues. Gonzalo states: We are people of our own minds and no one elses, Indeed, Gonzalo is saying that no one can control what someone sees or does. This is true unless one is of course, using magic.

Philosophy of Language Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Philosophy of Language - Essay Example the study of meaning conveyed with its help. And it was in this aspect of his scholarly activity that contributions of Frege are perhaps the most wide-ranging. Indeed, Frege defined the majority of the primary problems that the philosophy of language had to surmount, formulated most of the fundamental concepts and theories in this field, and set new methodological standards of academic scrutiny for the philosophy of language. On ground of all this, the modern philosophy of language has even been likened to footnotes to ideas of Frege. Of course, already before Frege language was viewed as an indispensable tool employed by our memory to record our thoughts and used as a means of expression of our thoughts to people via verbal communication. But in the end of the nineteenth century some philosophers started to perceive language in an even more fundamental way - as a tool without the understanding of which it is impossible to tackle existing conceptual and ontological problems. It was i n this respect that Frege offered a variety of new insights into the functioning of language and its true significance. He was advancing the view that the very human thought as such is influenced by language as a form of symbolic interaction, and as he was interested in the study of the structure of the human thought he was naturally bound to closely analyse language. This is why we may find in his works so many fine observations that aim to uncover the most elementary principles of language usage (Weiner 2004, pp.1-6, 159-165). One of such subtle themes in works of Frege is his account of indirect speech, which holds an important place within his scholarly system where every seemingly minor linguistic mechanism matters. Let us overview his analysis of indirect speech and try through its critical evaluation to find out whether Frege gives an adequate account of it. First of all, to understand the place of the analysis of indirect speech in the works of Frege we should provide a proper context for its complete understanding. For Frege one of the motivating sources of his linguistic investigations was the dilemma represented by the fact that while language is necessary for us to be able to generate meaningful thoughts, it is at the same time the barrier for the adequate expression of thoughts because, being a sensible entity, language is used to express insensible thoughts. To find a proper reference point for the judgement on the matter of the possible interrelation that may exist between thought and language, Frege formulated two important concepts that lie at the point of intersection between them. The first such concept is the so-called sense that is contained in each expression. Sense of an expression relates to the specific way of formulation of description of an object, conception, or function that a certain sentence aims to describe. We m ay liken the notion of sense to the question 'how' is something expressed in a sentence. Another crucial concept of Frege is the notion of significance, or reference, of an expression, which is the actual object, conception, or function that that expression aims to represent. Similarly, we may liken the notion of reference to the question 'what' does a sentence attempt to tell us. Now, with the help of those two approaches to the analysis of information contained in a particular sentence we can establish that for every meaningful expression there can be only one reference, while there can be different senses that may be used to

Armenian Genocide Annotated Bibliography Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Armenian Genocide - Annotated Bibliography Example He tells how he was able to evade all the killing and the many times he meet with death. The film is entertaining and full of Turkish information on genocide which is ideal for watching to college students who are interested with information on Turkish political nature during the time. This is a well written and researched historical account of all whole series of persecutions and massacres that made up of the Armenian genocide. This is a non fiction book which is ideal for those people who like being informed and have the facts of the Turkish massacre. The author of the book is lecturer in twentieth-century history. He addresses the origins, developments and the aftermath of the Armenian genocide in a more wide range which is based on secondary and primary sources from the parties which were involved in the genocide. Particular interest is paid to the international context of ethnic polarization that was far culminated in the massive life and property destruction of 1912-1923 in Turkey, and obliteration of Armenian. Additionally, the book finds its interpretation of the Armenian genocide in the interaction with the Ottoman Empire in its period of terminal decline. Nevertheless, if finds out that the self-interested policies of the existing European imperial powers and the agenda of Armenian nationalists and beyond ottoman victory. The books is a good source of information of the twentieth century history in Europe and more specifically Armenia it can be used from high school studies all the way to college level The author of the book was a survivor of the Armenian genocide. According to him, Talaat who was a minister of interior and the main mastermind of the genocide fled fro turkey to seek refuge in Germany where he carried on and also laboured for pan-Turkism. Talaat was tried in absentia by Turkish authorities and was also